There is a considerable
amount of material related to the specific role that the media, as a component
of development communication, can play in good governance. The Media Matters
publication for the Global Forum for Media Development provides a recent overview
of current literature and debates. It demonstrates how there is a sound basis
in traditional political science for the idea that the media matters for good
governance. As Amartya Sen outlines “a long tradition of liberal theorists from
Milton through Locke to Madison to John Stuart Mill have argued that the
existence of unfettered and independent press within each nation is essential
in the process of democratisation by contributing towards the rights of freedom
of expression, thought and conscious, strengthening the responsiveness and
accountability of governments to all citizens, and providing a pluralist
platform and channel of political expression for a multiplicity of groups and
interests.” Pippa Norris also highlights the importance of the media in
promoting contemporary good governance. She maintains that the media acts as a
watchdog over abuses of power, thereby promoting accountability and
transparency; it acts as a civic forum for political debate thereby
facilitating informed electoral choices and encouraging participation; and as
an agenda-setter for policy makers thereby strengthening government
responsiveness and promoting/encouraging capable governance.
To speak of the mandate of the
media in a democracy is to assign a constitutional role for it. It is indeed to
proceed on the assumption that the media is a constitutional instrument or
phenomenon. Yet, in all Nigerian constitutions, the media is hardly mentioned
in the manner in which the executive, legislature and judiciary on the one hand
and the federal, the state and the local governments on the other are
documented with legal instruments. Be that as it may, the philosophy of modern
governance and especially of modern democracy conceives the media as a
monumental force and as an institution similar to the tiers of government in
Nigerian federalism and to the arms of constitutional government.
Historically, the
development of modern democracy as a product predominantly of the French and
American revolutions in the 18th century acknowledged the media as the fourth
arm or realm of constitutional and democratic government. In order words, it is
difficult if indeed not impossible, to under-take a discourse on modern
democracy and its practices without reference to the media.
In the Nigerian experience,
and without having to go into constitutional history, the media was mentioned
only in section 22 of the 1999 constitution as part of the fundamental
objective and directive principles of the state policy. We completely agree
with and endorse the relentlessness with which Prince Tony Momoh among other
press intellectuals and practitioners of the media in expanding the role of the
media in strengthening democracy and good governance. In this connection, the
obligation of the media as indicated in section 22 of the 1999 constitution,
equally endows it with the duty not only to discharge its normal watchdog role
in all aspects of governance and in guarding and advancing the frontiers of the
people's liberties and freedoms but also the obligation to regard itself as
"the policing institution over the fundamental objectives and Direct
principles of state policy as well as the citizen's Fundamental Rights".
The fact that the constitution imposes a duty on the media to monitor
governance implies that it should undertake vigilance over the relationship
between the people and the government.
How the media discharges
these grave responsibilities which involve unfettered access to information is
an interesting subject matter that should engage not only the media itself but
also indeed all civil society actors, both domestic and international.
The point is that the media
has a constitutional mandate in the advancement of the political and democratic
process. It is equally true that the nature and character of the democratic
process greatly impacts upon the performance of the media. It is in this sense
that the nature and character of military regime can affect tremendously the
performance of the media just as the nature and character of a democratic
regime can do the same. Therefore, until it is fully researched and analysed,
it is not enough to proclaim that democracy necessarily provides a much
healthier environment for the media or that a military regime necessarily
undermines or stifles the fundamental performance of the media. We have
experienced in Nigeria's history instances in which government actors and
functionaries within the democratic process had inflicted grave damage upon and
constricted the press just as, naturally military rule generally had brutalised
the press and journalism.
Whether in a military rule
or in a democratic regime, the media suffers a huge array of poverty and
disabilities the elements of which include the political and business interests
of its ownership or proprietorship, the extent of limitation of patronage and
manipulation of market forces, location and cultural preferences, values of the
target or readership audience, the work conditions and salary of journalists,
and the staff of the industry all of which affect performance of the media in its relationship to the democratic process.
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